Essay by Michael Quinane
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has
the ability to play a significant role in how the South Asian region adapts to
and mitigates climate change. Since its formation in 1985, SAARC has been
unsuccessful in addressing regional concerns as bilateral tensions; particular
the ongoing tensions between India and Pakistan have inhibited its ability to
achieve real progress. Climate change is a challenge that requires the SAARC
nations, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan
and Sri Lanka, to work multilaterally and using a systems approach, to tackle
the problem of climate change that will have severe consequences in the region.
To successfully address these issues, SAARC must come up with a solution to
resolve the ongoing conflicts between its member states, so that a better
culture of cooperation can occur within the region enabling all member states
to effectively prepare their citizens for the effects of climate change.
Much of the
discourse about how best to tackle climate change has been on an international
scale. The most significant example being the Paris Climate Agreement signed in
2015. However, it is at a regional level where the effects of climate change
are going to felt the most. Regional organisations such as SAARC have ‘often
been relegated to marginal roles’ in dealing with climate change but as the
effects of climate change become more apparent ‘this will likely change’ as
‘competition for scarce resources increases and the impacts of this scarcity
are felt at a regional level’ (Glantz M H, 1992). This competition for resources
has already been seen in the ‘Wullar Barrage Dispute’ (Majid A, 2017) between
India and Pakistan where India wishes to build a dam over the Jehlum River in
Kashmir, along with several other dam projects in the disputed territory. This
conflict is ongoing, with India wishing to ‘seize the reins of political
supremacy by establishing hydro-hegemony’ (Qureshi W A., 2017) whilst
Pakistan’s is deeply concerned that ‘the structure would provide India the
capability to manipulate flow of water to Pakistan’s disadvantage (Majid A,
2017). The water flow of Pakistan’s rivers has been steadily decreasing and
Pakistan argues that this is a direct result of India ‘robbing Pakistani
waters’ with their dam projects and trying to ‘get a hold of all the water
resources’ (Qureshi W A., 2017) in the Kashmir region to assert political
dominance. India however, ‘maintains that climate change, not its projects’ has
led to the decrease in water flow in rivers throughout the Kashmir region
(Quereshi W A., 2017). Clearly, it would seem of vital importance that these
conflicts should be discussed and resolved at the SAARC forums, however, SAARC
currently ‘excludes bilateral and contentious issues from deliberations’
(Southasia, 2017) and so is impotent to intervene in this conflict with India
and Pakistan over precious water resources. If SAARC is to be effective in
dealing with resource management, particularly water, it needs to ‘provide an
effective arena for discussing, resolving, or averting regional conflicts
relating to environmental change’ (Glantz M H., 1992). As it currently stands
it explicitly does not provide this opportunity for discussion and so, in the
case of SAARC, ‘the problem is not one of resource scarcity, but of
institutions that are inadequate to cope with the new situation of resource
scarcity’ (Glantz M H., 1992). Whilst SAARC refrains from allowing bilateral
issues to be discussed and resolved at its forums, it is unlikely that
meaningful action will take place in terms of environmental problems because
the states of SAARC will not cooperate with each other whilst their conflicts
remain unresolved.
South Asia is a
region of particular concern because it is at an unusually high risk of severe
weather events and drought. Although it is not one of the leading contributors
to climate change in terms of greenhouse gas emissions, SAARC is a region that
will bear the full brunt of the consequences of climate change, more so than
other regions. It is because of this significant threat to droughts, floods and
severe weather events that meaningful action is of the utmost importance to the
SAARC nations. According to the 2007 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) report, ‘South Asia is one of the most vulnerable regions in the world
due to climate change’ (Dinda S, 2014). This susceptibility to environmental
degradation is particularly pronounced in Bangladesh, where ‘almost the entire
country is less than 10m above sea level and on a flat plane (Ray K et al.,
2015). This means that large parts of Bangladesh are at an extreme risk of
being flooded by rising sea levels and extensively damaged by severe
thunderstorms that already ‘frequently occur in Bangladesh’ and will likely
increase in ferociousness and frequency ‘causing deaths and damage to property
every year’ (Ray K et al. 2015). As the low lying plains in Bangladesh become
inundated by rising sea levels, millions of climate refugees will have to flee
Bangladesh to seek refuge on higher ground. This presents an enormous and
complex problem for the SAARC to deal with, because these refugees will want to
stay within the region. The challenge for SAARC is to identify a multilateral
solution for this very real problem where they can provide safety and security
for the inhabitants of all SAARC states. However, as is demonstrated in the
film ‘The Age of Consequence’, India has erected a fence around the entire
perimeter of the India-Bangladesh border. Bangladesh, which shares no borders
with any other country, is hemmed in by India to the sea. This quasi-conflict between
India and Bangladesh is deemed a bilateral matter and as such, SAARC does not
have the capability, or the willingness, to intervene. This needs to change to
allow SAARC to be a platform for nations to resolve their conflicts and
disputes before they worsen. The solutions to these problems are not for any
one state to solve, but for the entire region to work together to solve these
problems because ‘the weather knows no political boundaries’ (Sarkar A et al.,
2014). As sea levels rise and these millions of Bangladeshi people are displaced
from their homes, the tensions between India and Bangladesh will rise and it is
likely that conflicts will occur between the states, which would make it near
impossible for SAARC to act as an effective organisation for action on climate
change. To prevent this, SAARC must become a more powerful institution, with
the ability to discuss bilateral affairs and resolve conflicts. This will lead
to a more cohesive organisation that is better equipped to deal with the challenges
of environmental change.
The SAARC has at times come together
to discuss less controversial problems and has been an effective tool for
cooperation for the states in South Asia. In 2012, the SAARC Disaster
Management Centre in India ‘organised a three-day workshop in Islamabad’ where
delegates of the different states worked on the theme of ‘Flood management in
South Asia’ (Usmani F, 2016). In this workshop they were looking specifically
at areas like Sri Lanka, where ‘floods occur at regular intervals’ and
‘non-structural flood mitigation methods’ (Usmani F, 2016) are relatively poor.
The outcome of this workshop was that areas such as Sri Lanka should invest in
an ‘Integrated Food Alert and Global Flood Alert System’, one which many
developed countries have ‘successfully deployed… to avoid human casualties and
mitigate physical losses’ (Usmani F, 2016). This would allow Sri Lanka to
minimise the damage caused during floods and enable them to ‘utilise [the]
flood water by storing it in dams and reservoirs’. In Pakistan where water is
scarce the SAARC member states attended a meeting titled ‘Pakistan
Bioremediation Model, Prospects and Replication in SAARC Countries’. The member
states of SAARC have shown inclination to use ‘bioremediation technology’ that
will ‘utilise the sewerage water of their respective countries for irrigation
purposes’, helping each state and the region to alleviate the severity of
‘future water scarcity challenges’ (Editor, 2015). The stark difference between
the two examples of SAARC member states working cohesively on a regional
problem is clear. Addressing frequent flooding in Sri Lanka and the regions
northeast while also working to cope with the water scarcity and drought
occurring in the region’s northwest. This juxtaposition highlights the complexity
of the problem, as diversity of the environment within the region is extreme,
and as such, one solution will not work for all member states. So far, all of
the work that has been done in the SAARC region has just looked at ‘case studies’
(Sarkar A et al., 2014) in isolation, a small, specific area within the South
Asia region. The extreme variability of climate and weather in South Asia means
that SAARC needs to address the problem more holistically, and understand that
each of these climate systems are linked. High temperatures and severe droughts
in the region’s northwest can lead to more severe monsoons and thunderstorms in
the region’s northeast. For SAARC to most effectively mitigate and adapt to
climate and environmental change, all member states must use a systems thinking
approach to identify solutions to the problems of water scarcity, soil
degradation, flooding, rising sea levels, catastrophic weather events, disaster
management in urban areas and many other environmental changes, and understand
how these events are interrelated. Failure to take this systems-thinking
approach, and the SAARC member states will be inadequately prepared for the
consequences of these events, such as mass migration, food scarcity and
regional conflicts. Each of these problems affects the others. India cannot
fence Bangladesh off from the rest of the region and hope the problem goes
away. SAARC has a significant role to play in the future of the South Asian
region, it must be able to work multilaterally, using a systems-thinking
approach, with the full cooperation of the member states, to successfully adapt
to and mitigate climate change.
The coming decades will be a period
of widespread and potentially calamitous environmental change in the South
Asian region. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation is in a
unique position to be a major actor in addressing these very real and complex
environmental problems facing the region. While the majority of the discourse
relating to climate change has been on a global scale, it is on a regional
level where the effects of climate change will be most pronounced, particularly
in South Asia, which is one of the most vulnerable regions in the world to the
effects of climate change. SAARC must play a greater role than it currently
does in helping to mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change. At the
present, it is unable to do this because its power is limited in dealing with
bilateral conflicts in the region. SAARC must be a forum where these conflicts
can be resolved and the member states can cooperate in the greater challenges
that face them. The variability of the climate in South Asia means that SAARC
must look at the region as a whole, and identify what actions must be taken and
what effects these actions will have on the states and their inhabitants. If
SAARC cannot properly implement a greater culture of cooperation between the
member states, then it will be inadequately prepared to deal with the real
problems of water scarcity, environmental degradation, floods and rising sea
levels that threaten the region. SAARC has a significant role to play in South
Asia in mitigating and adapting to the effects of climate change in the region.
Whether it is capable of playing that role remains to be seen.
References:
Dinda S,
2014, Climate Change: An Emerging Trade Opportunity in South Asia, South Asian Journal of Macroeconomics and
Public Finance, Vol. 3, (Issue 2), Pages 221-239
Editor,
2017, SAARC Represents Unity in Diversity, Southasia,
Vol. 21, (Issue 6), Pages 22-23
Editor,
(2015 Aug 11), SAARC Members Show Interest in Water Treatment Technology, Daily Times, file:///Users/user/Downloads/ProQuestDocuments-2018-04-25.pdf
Glantz M
H., 1992, The Role of Regional
Organisations in the Context of Climate Change, Springer-Verlag, Berlin
Heidelberg
Majid A,
(2017), Indus Water Treaty: An Impediment to the Indian Hydro-Hegemony, Denver Journal of International Law and
Policy, Vol. 46, (Issue 1), Pages 45-71
Majid A,
2017, Pakistan-India Rivalry Hampering the SAARC to Become a Worthwhile Forum, Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan,
Vol. 54, (Issue 2), Pages 1-14
Ray K et al., 2015, High-Impact Weather Events over the SAARC
Region, Springer, Switzerland
Sarkar A et
al., 2014, The SAARC Storm: A Coordinated Field Experiment on Severe
Thunderstorm Observations and Regional Modelling over the South Asia Region, Bulletin of the American Meteorological
Society, Vol. 95, (Issue 4), Pages 603-617
Usmani F,
2016, Water Hazards, Southasia; Karachi,
Vol. 20, (Issue 12), Pages 56-57
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